are  Ijou  Qoin 
to  do 
w/^boul  Us? 


"The  speaker  delivered  a brilliant,  impassioned 
plea  for  independence  that  contained  a sturdy  strain 
of  well- presented  logic.” — Boston  Transcript. 

"The  speech  presents  the  case  for  Independence 
with  more  force,  cogency,  and  wit  than  I have  found 
in  anything  which  I have  heard  and  read  on  the 
question.” — Alleyne  Ireland. 

"Mr.  Bunuan’s  speech  was  impressive,  delivered  in 
an  elegant  manner,  and  evoked  general  appreciation. 
If  one  can  move  a Williamstown  audience,  as  he  did, 
be  can  move  any  audience  in  America.” — Vicente 
Viliam  in.  Lawyer  and  Writer. 

"It  is  the  best  presentation  of  the  Philippine  prob- 
lem from  the  pro-independent  angle  that  I have 
heard  or  read,  and  I have  heard  and  read  many  of 
them.” — C.  C.  Batchelder. 

"In  the  first  Philippine  conference  two  weeks  ago, 
some  complaints  were  heard  because  the  Philippine 
side  was  not  strongly  represented.  The  address  we 
have  just  heard  is  certainly  a strong  presentation  of 
the  Filipino  case.” — Professor  Ralston  Hayden. 

"Again  championing  the  cause  of  independence, 
the  speaker  stood  his  ground  and  in  seeking  to  show 
that  the  Filipinos  are  ready  for  independence  he  re- 
ceived plenty  of  applause.” — North  Adams,  Mass., 
T ranscript. 


IPhal  are  l]ou  Qoing  to  do 
uAboul  Us? 

u 

Address  delivered  by  V.  G.  j^nuan,  Director  of 
the  Philippine  Press  Bureau,  Washington  Office  of 
the  Philippine  Commission  of  Independence,  at  the 
second  general  conference  on  the  Philippines,  Wil- 
liamstown  Institute  of  Politics,  Williamstown,  Mass., 
August  18,  1927.  Other  speakers  were  W.  Cameron 
Forbes,  former  GovernoV-General  of  the  Philippines, 
Alleyne  Ireland,  British  writer  on  colonial  subjects; 
Resident  Commissioner  Pedro  Guevara,  Professor  Paul 
Monroe  of  Columbia  University,  Professor  Ralston 
Hayden,  University  of  Michigan,  Chairman,  C.  C. 
Batchelder  and  Vicente  Villamin. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

Ever  since  my  arrival  in  Williamstown  a few  days 
ago  I have  been  confronted  by  many  members  of  the 
Institute,  perhaps  having  still  fresh  in  their  minds 
elucidations  on  the  Philippine  question  in  the  last 
general  conference  on  the  Philippines  held  two  weeks 
ago  in  this  very  hall,  with  the  gentle  hint  that  the 
Filipino  demand  for  immediate  and  complete  inde- 
pendence is  based  mainly  on  emotion  or  sentiment,  an 
argument  or  a method  of  approach,  I was  told  in  a 
most  friendly  manner,  which  would  not  carry  with 
the  American  people  because  they  are  a highly  and  in- 
tensely practical  peoffie  and  that  this  audience  here 
before  me  is  p^cticciw*so.  (Laughter).  You  know 
I came  with  a grdft  deal  of  emotion  and  sentiment 
and  you  can  imagine  how  this  observation  has  acted 
like  cold  water  upon  them.  (Laughter).  I have 
been  pondering  over  this  ever  since  and  I have  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  if  to  proceed  from  sentiment 
is  wrong,  and  I do  not  think  it  is  wrong,  the  blame 
should  fall  not  upon  the  Filipinos  but  upon  the 
American  people  themselves.  And  I will  tell  you 
why. 

If  you  will  permit  a personal  allusion,  I am  a com- 
plete product  of  the  very  excellent  free  public  school 
system  implanted  by  America  in  the  PhiHppines,  from 
the  very  first  grade  up  to  our  state  university,  never 
having  had  the  privilege  of  going  to  school  in  your 
country,  and  my  case  is  the  case  of  millions  of  young. 


men  and  women  now  supplanting  the  old.  And  do 
you  know,  my  friends,  that  among  the  very  first 
things  we  studied  under  our  American  teachers  as 
part  of  the  curriculum  were  about  the  mighty  deeds 
of  your  heroes  who  struggled  that  your  country 
might  be  free — deeds  breathing  and  inspiring  senti- 
ments of  patriotism  and  nationahty,  told  and  retold 
in  a patriotic  little  book  freely  distributed  to  us  called 
"Stories  of  Great  Americans  for  Little  Americans.” 
And  the  first  history  we  learned  was  American  his- 
tory with  its  thrilling  episodes  of  your  struggles  for 
hberty.  In  fact,  it  was  not  until  we  reached  the  high 
school  that  we  came  to  know  of  "Great  FiUpinos  for 
Little  Filipinos,”  (Laughter)  and  of  our  own  historic 
struggles  for  freedom.  Thus,  when  we  were  still 
small  children,  we  knew  all  about  "Washington 
Crossing  the  Delaware,”  "Jefferson  and  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,”  "Patrick  Henry’s  'Give  Me 
Liberty  or  Give  Me  Death’.”  With  what  our  oppon- 
ents are  pleased  to  term  the  Oriental  aptitude  for  the 
dramatic,  seasoned  as  it  were  with  Latin  imaginative- 
ness, we  learned  these  almost  by  heart.  (Laughter). 
We  even  learned  and  tried  to  hve  up  to  the  moral 
of  the  story  of  Washington  and  his  famous  cherry 
tree  which  I believed  to  be  true  until  I came  to  this 
country  and  was  told  it  is  only  a myth.  (Laughter 
and  Applause) . In  the  meanwhile  you  proceeded  to 
erect  a government  for  us  based  precisely  upon  these 
very  sentiments  you  had  taught  us.  So  if  in  the 
course  of  our  campaign  for  independence,  and  if  in 
the  course  of  my  remarks,  you  note  sentiment  creep- 
ing in  you  can  blame  it  upon  yourselves.  (Applause) . 

My  friends,  the  one  outstanding  fact  of  the  entire 
Philippine  question  is  that  the  Filipino  people  would 
like  to  be  as  free  and  as  independent  as  any  fully  in- 
dependent nation  today,  and  you  have  always  told  us 
that  this  is  a very  laudable  and  commendable  aspira- 
tion. Alongside  this  fact  is  another  fact  and  that  is 
that  America  is  solemnly  committed  to  the  realiza- 
tion of  that  aspiration.  These  are  the  two  undenia- 
ble facts  that  must  be  faced.  They  are  a necessary 
premise  to  any  consideration  of  the  Philippine  ques- 
tion. As  we  Filipinos  view  it  the  time  has  come  to 
settle  that  question  and  settle  it  in  the  only  way 
compatible  with  these  facts — the  granting  of  im- 


mediate  and  complete  independence,  instead  of  con- 
tinuing with  the  present  policy  of  indefinite  post- 
ponement. In  proposing  our  solution  immediately 
there  arise  in  your  minds  three  questions  and  from 
these  I will  base  my  discussion  of  the  problem. 

These  questions  are: 

(1) .  Are  you  able  to  maintain  yourselves? — the 
economics  of  the  situation. 

(2) .  Are  you  able  to  defend  yourselves? — the 
international  aspect  of  the  problem. 

(3) .  Are  you  ready  to  govern  yourselves? — the 
question  of  Filipino  capacity. 

With  regard  to  the  first,  the  main  consideration  is 
the  question  of  free  trade  relationship  with  America. 
It  is  asserted  that  it  is  suicide  for  independence  to  be 
granted  now  because  of  the  financial  benefits  we 
would  have  to  forego.  It  is  pointed  out  that  there 
is  saved  to  the  Philippines  $40,000,000  which  we 
would  otherwise  pay  as  duty  for  Philippine  goods  en- 
tering the  United  States  were  free  trade  discontinued, 
and  that  the  Philippine  people  can  ill  afford  to  set 
aside  that  benefit.  But,  paradoxical  as  it  may  seem, 
that  is  the  very  reason  why  we  are  asking  for  inde- 
pendence now,  for  it  is  clear  that  if  we,  as  alleged, 
can  hardly  now  afford  to  let  go  this  financial  benefit 
it  will  be  infinitely  much  harder  for  us  to  lay  it  aside 
later  when,  with  the  natural  increase  in  trade  be- 
tween the  two  countries,  this  advantage  will  have 
become  much  greater  and  thus  make  it  much  harder 
for  us  to  stand  alone  on  our  feet.  You  cannot  es- 
cape the  logic  of  that  fact.  If  it  is  $40,000,000, 
that  we  would  now  lose,  it  will  be  $80,000,000  or 
$100,000,000  20  or  30  years  later,  a financial  ad- 
vantage which,  while  it  lasts,  is  most  beneficial  to 
us  but  which  will  make  it  that  much  more  difficult 
for  us  to  separate  from  you  in  the  future.  When 
you  tell  us  that  indefinite  postponement  of  indepen- 
dence is  necessary  in  order  to  enable  ourselves  to  be 
better  prepared  economically,  what  would  actually 
happen  is  that  you  are  pampering  us  with  an  ever- 
increasing  luxury.  You  are,  in  other  words,  if  I 
may  use  a simple  metaphor,  changing  the  silver  spoon 
in  our  mouth  into  one  of  gold,  the  effect  of  which 
is  to  reduce  us  to  practical  impotence.  Your  policy 
of  postponement,  in  effect,  is  leading  us  to  what 
may  be  termed  a very  luxurious  economic  grave. 


This  phase  of  the  question  is  clear  on  the  one  hand. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  longer  we  are  with  you  the 
more  American  interests  will  increase  in  the  Philip- 
pines, and  therefore  the  harder  still  for  us  to  get  our 
independence.  You  all  know  that  American  capital 
now  in  the  Philippines  is  for  permanent  incorpora- 
tion of  the  Philippines  as  a territory.  From  this  angle 
alone  you  can  appreciate  our  insistence  on  independ- 
ence and  there  is  some  truth  to  the  remark  that  every 
American  dollar  invested  in  the  Islands  is  an  addi- 
tional nail  driven  in  the  coffin  of  our  independence. 
One  of  your  immediate  necessities  today  is  rubber 
and,  if  I may  say  so  frankly,  rubber  is  today  giving 
more  elasticity  to  the  already  plastic  pledge  of 
America  to  the  Filipino  people.  (Applause) . 

You  will  see,  therefore,  that  both  considerations, 
one  the  interesting  paradox  I have  just  brought  to 
your  attention,  the  other  the  natural  growth  of 
American  interests  in  the  Philippines — make  it  nec- 
essary to  have  independence  granted  now. 

The  next  question  in  your  mind  is,  how  are  you  go- 
ing to  defend  yourselves?  I desire  to  point  out  that 
postponement  of  Independence  to  twenty  or  thirty 
years  from  now  will  not  make  us  strong  enough  to 
defend  our  country  from  aggression.  As  a matter  of 
fact  with  the  exception  of  two  or  three  of  the  most 
powerful  no  nation  today  is  able  to  defend  her  in- 
dependence, yet  they  exist  free  and  unmolested. 
Despite  assertions  of  the  prophets  of  disaster  to  the 
contrary,  universal  peace  and  amity  is  greater  today 
than  at  any  time  in  the  world’s  history.  As  an  asset 
in  our  favor  there  is  the  League  of  Nations  among 
the  members  of  which  is  Japan  and  England.  You 
are  all  aware  of  Article  X of  the  covenant  of  the 
League  which  is  as  follows: 

"The  members  of  the  League  undertake  to  re- 
spect and  preserve  as  against  external  aggression 
the  territorial  integrity  and  existing  poUtical 
independence  of  all  members  of  the  League.  In 
case  of  any  such  aggression  or  in  case  of  any 
threat  of  such  aggression,  the  Council  shall  ad- 
vise upon  the  means  by  which  this  obUgation 
shall  be  fulfilled.” 

Cuba,  Haiti,  Siam  and  the  Irish  Free  State  have 
been  admitted  as  members  of  the  League,  and  it  is 
only  reasonable  to  expect  that  the  Philippines,  once 


independent,  will  be  admitted  to  membership.  I know 
what  some  of  you  are  mentally  saying  about  the 
League.  Just  the  same,  you  cannot  but  admit  that 
it  is  an  instrument  for  world  peace  and  justice  and  an 
asset  especially  to  small  nations  unable  to  protect 
themselves  otherwise  from  the  bigger  nations.  (Ap- 
plause) . The  Philippines  could  at  least  have  the 
protection  of  the  League. 

It  is  asserted  that  Japan  needs  the  Philippines  for 
the  overflow  of  her  increasingly  large  population. 
Granting  for  the  sake  of  argument  that  there  is  great 
need  for  this  overflow  of  population,  the  Philippines  is 
not  the  proper  place  for  the  Japanese.  It  has  been 
shown  by  experience  that  they  do  not  thrive  in  our 
country,  for  the  climate  is  too  warm  for  them.  This 
is  proven  by  the  fact  that  there  are  only  about 
10,000  Japanese  in  the  Philippines  despite  the  fact 
that  there  is  no  Japanese  anti-immigration  law  there, 
whereas  in  Hawaii  and  in  the  United  States,  where 
there  are  very  strict  immigration  laws,  there  are,  in 
the  former,  about  120,000  and  in  the  latter  140,000 
Japanese.  As  a matter  of  fact,  statistics  show  that 
there  are  only  half  a million  Japanese  outside  the 
Japanese  empire. 

Even  if  Japan  had  any  designs  toward  the  Philip- 
pines she  would  not,  I am  sure,  dare  realize  them.  As 
a matter  of  fact,  Japan  would  be  the  very  first  to 
agree  to  respect  the  territorial  integrity  of  the  Philip- 
pines because  once  independent  there  would  be  one 
western  nation  less  in  the  Pacific  area  over  which  she 
would  like  to  be  supreme.  If  you  will  look  at  any 
world  map,  you  will  note  that  there  are  a number  of 
islands  belonging  to  the  United  States  almost  in  a 
straight  line,  pointing  like  a sharp  sword  to  the  very 
heart  of  Japan.  She  knows  what  that  means  to  her, 
both  in  relation  to  trade  and  to  the  possibilities  of 
war.  For  the  United  States  to  leave  the  Philippines 
is  to  Japan  like  a lessening  of  the  sharpness  of  that 
sword,  and  therefore  it  is  to  her  own  interest  for  the 
Philippines  to  be  independent.  Hence,  I repeat,  she 
would  be  the  very  first  to  recognize  us. 

Further  any  such  design  by  Japan  would  not  be 
looked  upon  with  friendly  eyes  by  the  European  gov- 
ernments having  colonies  in  the  East  especially  the 
British.  The  Phihppines  lie  along  the  water  trade 


route  between  the  British  possessions  of  North 
America  and  her  possessions  in  the  East.  Commer- 
cial boats  plying  between  Canada  and  Australia  and 
India  pass  through  the  Philippines  both  ways.  It  is 
logical  to  assume  that  England  would  very  much 
prefer  seeing  the  Philippines  independent  to  having  a- 
potential  enemy  in  the  Philippines  such  as  Japan. 

But  why  always  regard  Japan  as  a land-grabbing 
nation?  In  the  last  Geneva  Conference,  as  you  re- 
member, she  seems  to  have  been  the  only  nation 
earnestly  making  an  effort  to  reduce  naval  arma- 
ments. (Laughter  and  Applause).  America  and 
England  very  laudably  started  to  reduce  but  ended 
up  with  each  seemingly  trying  to  put  one  over  on 
the  other  and  the  Conference  went  to  smash.  (Laugh- 
ter and  Applause) . 

The  next  question  in  your  minds  is  are  you  ready 
and  capable  of  governing  yourselves?  My  answer  to 
that  question  is,  to  put  it  conservatively,  we  are  as 
ready  now  to  govern  ourselves  as  any  country  in  the 
world  that  started  with  its  independence  to  govern 
itself.  We  have  now  in  the  Philippines  practically 
all  the  elements  necessary  for  the  launching  of  a new 
independent  and  self-governing  country. 

In  this  respect,  America’s  problem  in  the  Philip- 
pines, reduced  to  its  simplest  term,  is  the  implanta- 
tion of  democracy,  a purely  Occidental  product  in  a 
country  of  Oriental  location  and  origin.  With  this 
in  mind  you  will  agree  with  me  when  I say  that  not 
all  the  ways  of  democracy  which  are  fit  for  the  peo- 
ples of  the  West  because  they  are  of  the  West  are 
best  and  the  most  appropriate  for  the  peoples  inhabit- 
ing the  East  because  they  are  of  the  East.  The  lat- 
ter, therefore,  should  adopt  only  those  basic  elements, 
only  those  broad  principles,  only  those  fundamental 
practices,  which  have  made  popular  government  a 
success  in  America  and  in  other  countries  where  it 
has  been  tried.  Such  a foundation  stone  of  democ- 
racy we  already  have  in  our  country  and  America, 
therefore,  should  by  granting  us  independence  now, 
permit  us  to  build  the  superstructure,  to  work  out 
the  details,  to  direct  its  growth,  to  shape  its  destiny, 
in  conformity  with  the  traditions  and  culture  of  our 
own  race,  with  our  nature,  with  our  environment, 
with  our  climate,  with  our  geography,  with  our  psy- 
chology, with  our  philosophy.  (Applause).  I will 
briefly  enumerate  what  these  basic  elements  are  upon 
which  we  can  now,  ourselves,  furnish  the  details  or 
superstructure. 


First,  the  framework  of  popular  government,  the 
executive,  the  legislative  and  the  judicial,  and  all  its 
ramifications  with  the  exception  of  those  which  are 
not  practical  to  adopt  in  the  Philippines,  we  already 
have.  Adoption  of  the  budget  system  years  before  it 
was  adopted  in  this  country  shows  that  we  have  the 
foresight  to  choose  what  is  good  for  the  efficient 
functioning  of  our  government.  Ninety-eight  per 
cent  of  the  entire  personnel  of  our  government  is 
now  in  Filipino  hands  and  has  been  functioning  with 
results  termed  by  President  Ffarding  as  "without 
parallel  in  the  history  of  colonization.”  Of  course, 
the  administration  by  Filipinos  has  not  been  free  from 
abuse  and  mismanagement,  and  I may  add  that  our 
failings  and  our  failures  are  magnified  in  this  coun- 
try, but  it  should  be  remembered  that  abuses  and  mis- 
management and  graft  exist  everywhere,  even  in  your 
own.  The  framework  of  democratic  government 
is  now  there.  We  want  to  be  permitted  to  work  out 
the  details. 

Another  basic  element  we  already  have  is  the  wide- 
spread exercise  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  a practice 
which  we  have  adopted  from  this  country.  In  prac- 
tically every  election  more  than  eighty  per  cent  of 
the  registered  voters  go  to  the  polls  and  vote.  This 
demonstrates  that  in  the  Philippines  there  is  a great 
deal  of  interest  in  public  affairs.  This  is  especially 
significant  when  one  takes  into  consideration  the 
fact  that  in  the  last  two  presidential  elections  in  the 
United  States  only  about  forty-nine  per  cent  of  the 
registered  voters  of  this  country  voted  in  the  first 
and  about  fifty-one  per  cent  in  the  last.  The 
Coolidge  boom,  I understand,  was  responsible  for  the 
two  per  cent  increase.  (Laughter).  Your  record  at 
the  polls  seems  to  me  falls  a little  short  of  the  kind 
of  government  prescribed  for  you  by  the  great  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  who  said  your  government  is  a "govern- 
ment of  the  people,  for  the  people,  and  by  the  peo- 
ple,” an  illusion  which,  with  the  help  of  America,  we 
are  trying  to  transform  into  reality  in  the  Philippines. 
(Laughter) . 

Our  degree  of  enlightenment  and  education  is 
another  basic  element.  Our  literacy  is  sixty  per  cent, 
which  is  higher  than  the  literacy  of  thirty-six  of 
the  fifty-six  independent  nations  of  today.  Educa- 
tion is  spreading  and  today  nearly  5,000,000  of  our 
population  speak  the  English  language. 

Another  stabahzing  factor  we  have  in  the  Philip- 
pines is  the  even  distribution  of  property.  There  are 
no  extremely  poor  nor  are  there  extremely  rich  in 


the  Islands.  Eighty  per  cent  of  our  11,000,000 
population  own  and  live  on  their  farms.  Foreigners 
have  often  commented  on  the  practical  absence  of 
beggars.  I did  not  know  of  such  a thing  as  profes- 
sional beggar  until  I saw  it  in  your  films  depicting 
that  phase  of  life  in  America.  (Laughter).  You  can 
well  sympathize  with  us  in  our  struggle  against  the 
possession  of  our  national  wealth  in  large  quantities 
by  outsiders  or  by  Filipinos  themselves. 

Another  important  asset  in  the  establishment  of 
democracy  in  the  Phihppines  is  the  high  place  which 
our  women  occupy  in  the  life  of  our  country,  es- 
pecially in  the  home.  As  in  the  West  our  women 
are  on  an  equal  rank  with  the  men,  and  perhaps  more 
so.  For  the  information  of  the  women  in  this  aud- 
ience, the  Filipino  woman  holds  the  purse  strings  of 
the  home,  a privilege,  I understand  the  women  of 
this  country  are  aching  to  have.  Modesty  and 
charm,  loyalty  to  home  and  husband  are  her  marked 
characteristics.  There  are  practically  no  divorces  in 
the  Philippines. 

Our  position  is  clear.  We  already  have  the  found- 
ation stone  of  democracy  in  the  Philippines,  and  if  I 
may  speak  in  a fighter  fashion,  may  I say  that  if  we 
continue  our  relationships  very  much  longer  we  shall 
not  only  inherit  the  basic  principles  of  your  democ- 
racy and  the  virile  elements  of  your  civilization  but 
also  the  superficialities  of  that  democracy  and  the 
by-products  of  that  civilization.  It  has  been  said 
and  said  truly  that  the  people  of  a colony  have  the 
tendency  to  imitate  those  of  the  mother  country.  Do 
you  know  that  our  girls  are  already  adopting  the 
typically  American  bob  and  shingle,  and  dancing  the 
Charleston,  and  probably  later  on  the  Black  Bottom? 
Can  you  blame  us  if  we  ask  for  our  independence 
now?  (Laughter  and  Applause). 

My  friends,  such  is  the  Philippine  question  as  we 
Filipinos  analyze  it.  All  we  ask  is  in  fine  with  what 
you  yourselves  came  to  do  in  the  Philippines  and  with 
what  you  yourselves  promised  to  give  to  the  Fili- 
pinos— a pledge  around  which  our  faith  in  America 
is  built,  convinced  in  the  very  depths  of  our  hearts 
that  you  will  do  us  justice  and  eternally  grateful 
for  the  many  things  you  have  done  for  us.  (Ap- 
plause) . America  has  the  sole  determination  as  to 
the  final  solution  of  the  Philippine  problem,  and  it 
seems  to  me  that  with  all  that  has  been  said,  here 
or  elsewhere,  it  remains  for  this  Great  Republic  to 
answer  one  question — it  remains  for  every  person  in 
this  hall  as  a member  of  the  great  American  body 
politic  to  answer  that  which  we  have  been  asking 
and  now  again  ask:  Gentlemen,  what  are  you  going 
to  do  about  us?  What  are  you  going  to  do 

about  us?  (Applause). 


